{"id":68395,"date":"2026-03-09T17:51:55","date_gmt":"2026-03-09T12:21:55","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.nextias.com\/ca\/?p=68395"},"modified":"2026-03-10T11:00:25","modified_gmt":"2026-03-10T05:30:25","slug":"one-nation-one-election-concerns","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.nextias.com\/ca\/editorial-analysis\/09-03-2026\/one-nation-one-election-concerns","title":{"rendered":"One Nation, One Election: Constitutional Concerns"},"content":{"rendered":"\n<p><strong>Syllabus: GS2\/Governance<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<h2 class=\"wp-block-heading\"><strong>Context<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n<ul class=\"wp-block-list\">\n<li>Comparative international experience and constitutional principles raise concerns regarding <strong>federalism, democratic accountability, and institutional design<\/strong> for the proposed <a href=\"https:\/\/www.nextias.com\/ca\/current-affairs\/16-09-2024\/one-nation-one-election-3\"><strong>\u2018One Nation, One Election\u2019 (ONOE)<\/strong><\/a> in India.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n<h2 class=\"wp-block-heading\"><strong>About One Nation, One Election (ONOE)<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n<ul class=\"wp-block-list\">\n<li>It refers to the proposal to conduct <strong>simultaneous elections for the Lok Sabha and all State Legislative Assemblies<\/strong> in India.<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li>The idea aims to synchronise electoral cycles so that elections across the country occur <strong>at the same time or within a short period<\/strong>.<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li>It proposes that elections for <strong>Lok Sabha, and State Legislative Assemblies <\/strong>should be conducted <strong>simultaneously<\/strong>, once every five years.<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li>Two implementation models:\n<ul class=\"wp-block-list\">\n<li><strong>Complete Synchronisation: <\/strong>All Lok Sabha and State Assembly elections are held <strong>together every five years<\/strong>.<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li><strong>Two-Cycle Model: <\/strong>Elections are conducted in <strong>two phases within a five-year cycle<\/strong>, grouping states together.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n<h2 class=\"wp-block-heading\"><strong>Historical Background<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n<ul class=\"wp-block-list\">\n<li><strong>1951\u20131967: <\/strong>Elections to <strong>Lok Sabha and State Assemblies were held together<\/strong>. This system broke down due to:\n<ul class=\"wp-block-list\">\n<li><strong>Premature dissolution of State Assemblies;<\/strong><\/li>\n\n\n\n<li><strong>Political instability;<\/strong><\/li>\n\n\n\n<li><strong>President\u2019s Rule in several states;<\/strong><\/li>\n\n\n\n<li>As a result, electoral cycles <strong>gradually staggered across the country<\/strong>.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n<h2 class=\"wp-block-heading\"><strong>Constitutional Framework in India<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n<ul class=\"wp-block-list\">\n<li>India adopted a <strong>parliamentary system based on legislative accountability<\/strong>.<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li>Dr. <strong>BR Ambedkar<\/strong> argued in the Constituent Assembly that democracy cannot maximise both <strong>stability and responsibility<\/strong> simultaneously.<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li>India chose <strong>responsibility<\/strong>, meaning the executive remains accountable to the legislature at all times.<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li><strong>Key Constitutional Provisions:<\/strong>\n<ul class=\"wp-block-list\">\n<li><strong>Articles 75 &amp; 164:<\/strong> Collective responsibility of the executive to the legislature.<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li><strong>Articles 83 &amp; 172:<\/strong> Maximum tenure of five years for legislatures (not guaranteed).<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li>Early dissolution is therefore a <strong>democratic safeguard<\/strong>, allowing voters to renew the mandate when governments lose confidence.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li>ONOE alters this logic by treating dissolution as an administrative inconvenience rather than a democratic mechanism.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n<h2 class=\"wp-block-heading\"><strong>Key Committees and Reports<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n<ul class=\"wp-block-list\">\n<li><strong>Law Commission of India (1999): <\/strong>It suggested exploring simultaneous elections to reduce <strong>political instability and expenditure<\/strong>.<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li><strong>Parliamentary Standing Committee (2015): <\/strong>It recommended <strong>phased synchronisation of elections<\/strong>.<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li><strong>NITI Aayog Discussion Paper (2017): <\/strong>It proposed a <strong>two-phase election model<\/strong>.<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li><strong>High-Level Committee (2023): <\/strong>It was chaired by <strong>Former President Ram Nath Kovind<\/strong>, the committee recommended <strong>implementing ONOE through constitutional amendments<\/strong>.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n<h2 class=\"wp-block-heading\"><strong>Constitutional Amendment Proposal<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n<ul class=\"wp-block-list\">\n<li>The proposal has taken legislative form in the <strong>Constitution (One Hundred and Twenty-Ninth Amendment) Bill, 2024<\/strong>, based on recommendations of the <strong>High-Level Committee chaired by former President Ram Nath Kovind<\/strong>.<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li><strong>Key Features:<\/strong>\n<ul class=\"wp-block-list\">\n<li><strong>Proposed Article 82A: <\/strong>Empowers the <strong>President to notify an \u2018appointed date\u2019<\/strong> aligning all State Assembly tenures with the Lok Sabha.<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li><strong>Curtailment of State Assembly Tenure: <\/strong>Assemblies formed after the appointed date may have their <strong>terms shortened<\/strong> to synchronise with national elections.<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li><strong>\u2018Unexpired-Term Elections\u2019: <\/strong>If a legislature dissolves early, the newly elected legislature will serve <strong>only the remaining portion of the original term<\/strong>.<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li><strong>Election Deferral: <\/strong>The <strong>Election Commission of India (ECI)<\/strong> may recommend <strong>deferring State elections<\/strong> if simultaneous conduct is impracticable.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li><strong>Proposed Constitutional Changes: <\/strong>Implementing ONOE requires amendments to several constitutional provisions, ie:\n<ul class=\"wp-block-list\">\n<li><strong>Article 83:<\/strong> Duration of Lok Sabha;<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li><strong>Article 85:<\/strong> Dissolution of Lok Sabha;<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li><strong>Article 172:<\/strong> Duration of State Legislative Assemblies;<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li><strong>Article 174:<\/strong> Sessions of State Legislature;<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li><strong>Article 356:<\/strong> President\u2019s Rule;<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li>Changes would also be required in <strong>Representation of the People Act, 1951.<\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n<h2 class=\"wp-block-heading\"><strong>Arguments in Favour of ONOE<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n<ul class=\"wp-block-list\">\n<li><strong>Reduction in Election Expenditure: <\/strong>Frequent elections involve significant costs for election administration, security forces, and campaign expenditure. Simultaneous elections could reduce <strong>public spending<\/strong>.<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li><strong>Governance Efficiency: <\/strong>Frequent elections lead to repeated enforcement of the <strong>Model Code of Conduct (MCC)<\/strong>, which may delay policy decisions, and development projects.\n<ul class=\"wp-block-list\">\n<li>ONOE could ensure <strong>continuity in governance<\/strong>.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li><strong>Reduced Political Polarisation: <\/strong>Continuous election cycles keep political parties in <strong>permanent campaign mode<\/strong>.\n<ul class=\"wp-block-list\">\n<li>Simultaneous elections may allow governments to focus more on <strong>policy-making and administration<\/strong>.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li><strong>Administrative Convenience: <\/strong>Holding elections together reduces the need for repeated mobilisation of election officials, security personnel, and Electronic Voting Machines (EVMs).<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n<h2 class=\"wp-block-heading\"><strong>Arguments Against ONOE<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n<ul class=\"wp-block-list\">\n<li><strong>Threat to Federalism: <\/strong>India is a <strong>federal polity<\/strong>, and states have independent political dynamics. Simultaneous elections may:\n<ul class=\"wp-block-list\">\n<li>Reduce the importance of <strong>regional issues;<\/strong><\/li>\n\n\n\n<li>Strengthen <strong>national parties at the expense of regional parties;<\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li><strong>Constitutional Challenges: <\/strong>The parliamentary system allows <strong>early dissolution of legislatures<\/strong>. If a government collapses, fresh elections must be held.\n<ul class=\"wp-block-list\">\n<li>Synchronising elections may require <strong>curtailing or extending legislative terms<\/strong>, which raises constitutional concerns.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li><strong>Impact on Voter Behaviour: <\/strong>Research indicates that <strong>simultaneous elections may produce a \u2018national wave effect\u2019. <\/strong>Voters may vote for the same party at both National level, and State level.\n<ul class=\"wp-block-list\">\n<li>It may reduce the <strong>distinct political choices available in federal elections<\/strong>.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li><strong>Logistical Difficulties: <\/strong>India conducts elections in phases due to security requirements, large voter population, and administrative constraints.\n<ul class=\"wp-block-list\">\n<li>Simultaneous elections would require <strong>massive deployment of resources<\/strong>.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n<h2 class=\"wp-block-heading\"><strong>Federalism Concerns<\/strong><\/h2>\n\n\n\n<ul class=\"wp-block-list\">\n<li><strong>Basic Structure Doctrine: <\/strong>In <strong>S.R. Bommai vs Union of India (1994)<\/strong>, the Supreme Court declared that <strong>federalism is part of the Constitution\u2019s basic structure<\/strong>.\n<ul class=\"wp-block-list\">\n<li>States therefore possess <strong>independent democratic legitimacy<\/strong>.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li><strong>Impact of Synchronisation: <\/strong>ONOE could curtail State mandates for administrative convenience, and distort federal autonomy.\n<ul class=\"wp-block-list\">\n<li>For example, if a State elects its legislature in <strong>2033<\/strong>, synchronisation could force the mandate to expire in <strong>2034<\/strong>, reducing the elected government\u2019s tenure to just <strong>one year<\/strong>.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li><strong>Problem of \u2018Unexpired-Term Elections\u2019: <\/strong>The most controversial element of the proposal is <strong>mid-term elections for residual mandates<\/strong>.<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li><strong>Constitutional Issues: <\/strong>The Constitution does <strong>not recognise the concept of a residual mandate<\/strong>.\n<ul class=\"wp-block-list\">\n<li>Although the proposed amendments claim the new House is not a continuation of the old one, the system effectively preserves earlier electoral cycles.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li><strong>Risks of Constitutional Abuse: <\/strong>The proposed <strong>Article 82A(5)<\/strong> allows the Election Commission to recommend <strong>deferral of State elections without clear safeguards<\/strong>.\n<ul class=\"wp-block-list\">\n<li>Unlike <strong>Article 356<\/strong>, which contains parliamentary oversight and time limits, this provision lacks explicit institutional checks.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n<p><\/p>\n\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-group has-background\" style=\"background-color:#fff2cc\"><div class=\"wp-block-group__inner-container is-layout-constrained wp-block-group-is-layout-constrained\">\n<p><strong>Case Study of Indonesia &amp; Other International Experience<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<ul class=\"wp-block-list\">\n<li>Indonesia conducted a <strong>historic simultaneous election in 2019<\/strong>, combining elections for the <strong>President, national parliament, regional legislatures, and local councils<\/strong> on a single day.<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li><strong>Key Outcomes:<\/strong>\n<ul class=\"wp-block-list\">\n<li>Nearly <strong>900 poll workers died<\/strong> and more than <strong>5,000 fell seriously ill<\/strong> due to extreme administrative pressure.<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li>During the <strong>2024 election<\/strong>, the toll remained significant with <strong>over 100 deaths and nearly 15,000 illnesses<\/strong>.<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li>In <strong>June 2025<\/strong>, Indonesia\u2019s <strong>Constitutional Court ruled<\/strong> that national and local elections must be separated from <strong>2029 onwards<\/strong>, spaced about <strong>two to two-and-a-half years apart<\/strong>.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li><strong>Implication: <\/strong>The Court held that simultaneous elections created <strong>administrative overload, voter fatigue<\/strong>, and <strong>reduced quality of democratic participation.<\/strong>\n<ul class=\"wp-block-list\">\n<li>Indonesia\u2019s experience demonstrates that <strong>electoral efficiency cannot override democratic and administrative sustainability<\/strong>.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n<p><strong>Comparative Global Experience<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n<ul class=\"wp-block-list\">\n<li><strong>Canada: Federal and provincial elections occur independently. <\/strong>Reflects strong federal autonomy.<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li><strong>Australia: <\/strong>Synchronisation is practically impossible. <strong>State legislatures have fixed four-year terms<\/strong>, while the <strong>federal House of Representatives has a maximum tenure of three years<\/strong>.<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li><strong>Germany: <\/strong>Germany\u2019s political stability is often misunderstood. Elections in <strong>L\u00e4nder (states) are deliberately staggered<\/strong>.\n<ul class=\"wp-block-list\">\n<li>Stability comes from the <strong>Constructive Vote of No Confidence<\/strong>, which requires the Bundestag to elect a successor before removing a Chancellor.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li><strong>United States: <\/strong>Fixed election cycles work because of the <strong>presidential system<\/strong>, where the executive\u2019s tenure is independent of legislative confidence.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/div><\/div>\n\n\n\n<p><\/p>\n\n\n\n<h3 class=\"wp-block-heading\"><strong>Possible Implementation Models<\/strong><\/h3>\n\n\n\n<ul class=\"wp-block-list\">\n<li><strong>Fixed-Term Legislatures: <\/strong>Introduce fixed five-year terms to prevent premature dissolution.<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li><strong>Constructive Vote of No Confidence: <\/strong>A government can be removed only if a <strong>new government is simultaneously elected<\/strong>.<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li><strong>Two-Election Cycle: <\/strong>Conduct elections in <strong>two groups of states every 2.5 years<\/strong>.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n<h3 class=\"wp-block-heading\"><strong>Conclusion<\/strong><\/h3>\n\n\n\n<ul class=\"wp-block-list\">\n<li>The promise of <strong>administrative efficiency and cost savings<\/strong> offered by <strong>One Nation, One Election<\/strong> is likely overstated. In contrast, the <strong>proposal raises profound constitutional concerns<\/strong> like curtailment of State mandates, weakening of federalism, distortion of parliamentary accountability, and risk of prolonged unelected governance.<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li>Comparative experience, particularly <strong>Indonesia\u2019s failed experiment with simultaneous elections<\/strong>, demonstrates that electoral synchronisation can impose heavy democratic and administrative costs.<\/li>\n\n\n\n<li>India\u2019s constitutional design emphasises <strong>responsibility, federal autonomy, and continuous democratic accountability<\/strong>. Any reform that disrupts these foundational principles risks undermining the <strong>basic structure of the Constitution<\/strong>.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n\n\n<figure class=\"wp-block-table\"><table class=\"has-background has-fixed-layout\" style=\"background-color:#fff2cc\"><tbody><tr><td><strong>Daily Mains Practice Question<\/strong><br><strong>[Q]<\/strong> The proposal for \u2018One Nation, One Election\u2019 raises significant constitutional and federal concerns in India\u2019s parliamentary democracy. Examine.<\/td><\/tr><\/tbody><\/table><\/figure>\n\n\n\n<p><a href=\"https:\/\/www.thehindu.com\/opinion\/lead\/one-nation-one-election-remedy-worse-than-disease\/article70719321.ece\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Source: TH<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n<div class=\"wp-block-buttons is-layout-flex wp-block-buttons-is-layout-flex\">\n<div class=\"wp-block-button\"><a class=\"wp-block-button__link wp-element-button\" href=\"https:\/\/www.nextias.com\/ca\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/03\/Daily-Editorial-Analysis-09-03-2026.pdf\"><strong>Download PDF<\/strong><\/a><\/div>\n<\/div>\n\n\n\n<p><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p><strong>Published on:<\/strong> 09 March, 2026<\/p>\n<p>Comparative international experience and constitutional principles raise concerns regarding federalism, democratic accountability, and institutional design for the proposed \u2018One Nation, One Election\u2019 (ONOE) in India.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":4,"featured_media":68399,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[22],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-68395","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-editorial-analysis"],"acf":[],"jetpack_featured_media_url":"https:\/\/wp-images.nextias.com\/cdn-cgi\/image\/format=auto\/ca\/uploads\/2026\/03\/Editorial-Analysis-900-600-3.webp","_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.nextias.com\/ca\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/68395","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.nextias.com\/ca\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.nextias.com\/ca\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.nextias.com\/ca\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/4"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.nextias.com\/ca\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=68395"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/www.nextias.com\/ca\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/68395\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":68439,"href":"https:\/\/www.nextias.com\/ca\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/68395\/revisions\/68439"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.nextias.com\/ca\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/68399"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.nextias.com\/ca\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=68395"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.nextias.com\/ca\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=68395"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.nextias.com\/ca\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=68395"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}